Freedom for Sale, Part 1

Back in July 1998, Pensacola prosecutors issued an arrest warrant for a 28-year-old father of three named Antonio Monroy. He had been charged with three counts of cocaine trafficking. Soon he was picked up in Miami. He was sent to a federal prison in Coleman, Florida, northwest of Orlando, and a few months later, with a trial looming, he pleaded guilty.

It was the kind of case that breezes through the courts every day.

Then a friend of Antonio's contacted his mother, Virginia. A Miami lawyer could get her son out of prison early, he said.

At the time, Israel Perez Jr. was a defense attorney with almost twenty years of experience, including time clocked as a prosecutor in Fort Myers and Miami-Dade, where he served under Janet Reno. Before he met Antonio Monroy, the only blight on his record had been a 1993 public reprimand by the Florida Bar for improperly handling the funds of a client. Perez had an office in a black and tan tower called the Gables International Plaza in Coral Gables. He seemed like a reputable guy.

Virginia agreed to meet the lawyer, who soon showed up at her aging apartment building on Indian Creek Drive across from the Intracoastal Waterway in Miami Beach. According to the woman's description of that meeting, Perez laid out a plan. Perez would fly to Coleman and tell Antonio to expect two Drug Enforcement Administration agents to visit him after sentencing. Then agents would tell the court he deserved to be freed. It was a sure thing.

The cost to Antonio and his mother would be $100,000.

On March 26, 1999, Antonio was sentenced to nine years in prison. After the sentencing hearing, Antonio's friend contacted Virginia again to find out if she was still interested in buying Antonio's release.

Virginia said she would have to think about it. When she told her son about her conversations with Perez, he decided the whole thing was a scam and contacted the FBI. The bureau then persuaded Virginia and Antonio to meet with Perez — while wearing a wire.

During the next six months, over the course of some dozen meetings or telephone calls, all in Spanish, it became clear that Perez's plan — valid or not — was intricate. Transcripts of conversations he had, along with telephone calls that were recorded, show Perez planned the deceit to minute detail, where it might stall, how disagreements might occur, and generally how to avoid law enforcement scrutiny.

Regardless of all the video- and audio-taped meetings, so far there have been no arrests or indictments in the case. On September 14 the Florida Supreme Court disbarred Perez. A disturbing story is spelled out in a stack of FBI and DEA documents that became public record this summer, after they were introduced as evidence in the bar investigation into Perez. Though a handful of other Miami convicts surfaced, saying they had similar dealings with Perez, the two corrupt DEA agents were never identified. It now seems a probe into the affair has gone nowhere.

Federal authorities declined to comment about the case. So did Monroy. A call placed to Perez's old law office — which by court order is in the process of closing down — reached only an answering machine. A message New Times left was not returned. Calls to three other numbers once monitored by the FBI led to dead ends. Another message was left at Perez's home, with no response. In bar documents, he denied Antonio's claims in a series of letters to Florida Bar investigators.

If there's any truth to Perez's claims about working with rogue DEA agents, the case raises serious questions about the propriety of drug investigations and prosecutions in South Florida, and about why Perez was never charged with a crime. It could mean there is again a "For Sale" sign on badges in Miami.

It all began on a sweltering July day in 1999 when Perez knocked on the door of Virginia Monroy's sixth-floor apartment in Miami Beach. After several minutes of small talk, they turned to business. She expressed concern for her son and asked lots of questions. Perez patiently answered all of them, describing the legal process that allows for convicted defendants who help the government to leave jail early. He called the $100,000 a "fee" and repeatedly guaranteed it would bring Antonio home.

Referring to the corrupt DEA agents, Perez said to Virginia: "I bring a file like this one to them and tell them, 'This is the man; go do what you have to do.'" He then explained the DEA agents would want their money when Antonio had the recommendation for a sentence reduction in hand.

But, he warned, she could not back out. Otherwise the agents would say Antonio lied. Then he might get more jail time. "In other words," Perez said, "you'll be responsible for your actions."