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And to that end Herrera has a message for politicians accustomed to relying upon the LBA's largesse at election time but then voting consistently against the industry's interests: The free ride is over. "We are going to give to our friends and go against our enemies," he warns.
For too long, Herrera claims, the LBA has been willing to give to just about anyone, regardless of their past voting records. "They are not going to just come to us and ask for money," says Herrera. "That's not my way." Instead, he says, he will want to know what these candidates are willing to do for the industry. Herrera stresses, however, that the LBA will not expect that a politician will always vote the way the LBA would like him to A only a majority of the time.
Builders are unappreciated, Herrera says. The backlash against the construction industry following Hurricane Andrew has been severe and unrelenting. "It's like a bad word when you mention builders," he contends. "The LBA doesn't get any respect. We're the black sheep of the county."
Herrera joined the LBA eight years ago after being recruited by fellow developer Pedro Adrian. He was elected quickly to the organization's 32-member board of directors; his ascension to the presidency has been viewed by many as something of a coup, during which younger, more aggressive developers have wrested control of the group from its organizers.
"The LBA through the leadership of Carlos has changed a lot," says Camilo Jaime, an LBA vice president. "The LBA was basically stagnant. Now we are moving toward being more representative of our industry."
The most visible break was between Herrera and former president Sergio Pino. Herrera downplays any problems between the two men. "We had our tension way back," Herrera says. "I have the highest respect for Sergio, but he had a different way of running the organization. He used the organization on a more political basis."
As does Herrera. He guided the group during its recent battle against County Commissioner Miguel Diaz de la Portilla's proposal that would allow commissioners to demand two-thirds approval for some zoning changes. The measure was designed to control the type of reckless growth in unincorporated Dade that has left its schools overcrowded, its roads clogged, and its police force and social services stretched to the limit.
The LBA mounted one of its most aggressssive campaigns, in which Diaz de la Portilla was accused of being anti-Hispanic and a traitor to his own people. "It just made me sick," says the commissioner. "What they were trying to do was create fear and panic. They knew all along this wasn't an ethnic issue."
And while Herrera was not the most vocal opponent during this unsuccessful effort, Diaz de la Portilla asserts that Herrera does bear responsibility, particularly for the actions of the LBA's vociferous executive director, William Delgado. "The LBA engaged in a vicious, violent, mean-spirited, destructive, hateful, demagogic campaign against the two-thirds ordinance," Diaz de la Portilla states. "Mr. Herrera didn't engage in those personal attacks [but] William Delgado works for the board of directors of the LBA, and the head of the board of directors is Carlos Herrera."
Herrera makes no apologies for the LBA's actions. "I did what I had to do for my organization," he says. "I'm not a politician. I will tell you what I feel. Most people I know respect that."
Gov. Lawton Chiles appointed Herrera earlier this year to the nine-member Florida Corrections Commission, and Florida Trend magazine recently named him one of the state's rising young leaders. "Carlos has a very dynamic personlity," says Delgado, who has been a friend of Herrera's for fifteen years. "He drives himself 24 hours a day toward whatever achievements he wants to gain in life. Carlos is less of a diplomat. Sometimes he is more outspoken that he needs to be."
Despite losing the battle over Diaz de la Portilla's "two-thirds ordinance," Herrera's influence over commissioners is impressive nonetheless. His greatest ally is Natacha Millan, a long-time personal friend who is also chair of the commission's powerful construction and utilities committee, which is responsible for, among other things, reviewing and writing ordinances relating to building codes. Last year Millan appointed Herrera's wife, Herminia, to the all-important Zoning Appeals Board. Millan says her friendship with Herrera has never unduly influenced her. "If it's not good for the county," she says, "he doesn't get my vote."
The power Herrera enjoys as LBA president has also clearly benefited his proposal to redevelop Homestead Air Force Base. Indeed the nexus between the LBA and Herrera's proposal is clear. LBA vice president Camilo Jaime, for instance is also a vice president and partner with Herrea in Homestead Air Base Developers Inc. (HABDI).